The use of this gerund, though not changing in its character, becomes much more frequent, and even excessive, in the later language. a. Thus, in the Nala and Bhagavad-Gītā, which have only one tenth as many verb-forms as RV., there are more than three times as many examples of the gerund as in the latter. b. In general, the gerund is an adjunct to the subject of a sentence, and expresses an act or condition belonging to the subject: thus, vajreṇa hatvā́ nír apáḥ sasarja (RV.)smiting with his thunderbolt, he poured forth the waters; pītvī́ sómasya vāvṛdhe (RV.) having drunk of the soma, he waxed strong; tē yajñásya rásaṁ dhītvā́ vidúhya yajñáṁ yūpéna yopayitvā́ tirò ‘bhavan (ÇB.) having sucked out the sap of the offering, having milked the offering dry, having blocked it with the sacrificial post, they disappeared; çrutvāi ’va cā ’bruvan (MBh.) and having heard, they said; taṁ ca dūre dṛṣṭvā gardabhī ’yam iti matvā dhāvitaḥ (H.) and having seen him in the distance, thinking 'it is a she-ass', he ran. c. But if the logical subject, the real agent, is put by the construction of the sentence in a dependent case, it is still qualified by the gerund: thus, stríyaṁ dṛṣṭvā́ya kitaváṁ tatāpa (RV.) it distresses the gambler (i. e. the gambler is distressed) at seeing a woman; táṁ hāi ’naṁ dṛṣṭvā́ bhī́r viveda (ÇB.) fear came upon him (i. e. he was afraid)when he saw him; vidhāya proṣite vṛttim (M.) when he stays away after providing for her support; kiṁ nu me syād idaṁ kṛtvā (MBh.) what, I wonder, would happen to me if I did this; — and especially, when a passive form is given to the sentence, the gerund qualifies the agent in the instrumental case (282 a): thus, tataḥ çabdād abhijñāya sa vyāghreṇa hataḥ (H.) thereupon he was slain by the tiger, who recognized him by his voice; tvayā sa rājā çakuntalām puraskṛtya vaktavyaḥ (Ç.) presenting Çakuntalā, thou must say to the king; haṅsānāṁ vacanaṁ çrutvā yathā me (gen. for instr.) nāiṣadho vṛtaḥ (MBh.) as the Nishadhan was chosen by me on hearing the words of the swans: this construction is extremely common in much of the later Sanskrit. d. Occasionally, the gerund qualifies an agent, especially an indefinite one, that is unexpressed: thus, tadā ’trāi ’va paktvā khāditavyaḥ (H.) then he shall be eaten [by us] cooking him on the spot; yad anyasya parijñāya punar anyasya dīyate (M.) that, after being promised (lit. when one has promised her) to one, she is given again to another;sucintya co ’ktaṁ suvicārya yat kṛtam (H.) what one says after mature thought, and does after full deliberation. Hence, still more elliptically, after alam: thus, alaṁ vicārya(Ç.) enough of hesitation; tad alaṁ te vanaṁ gatvā (R.) so have done with going to the forest. e. Other less regular constructions are met with, especially in the older language: thus, in the manner of a participle with man and the like (268 a), as táṁ hiṅsitvè ’va mene (ÇB.) he thought he had hurt him; tā adbhir abhiṣicya nijāsyāi ’vā ’manyata (AB.) having sprinkled them with water, he believed himself to have exhausted them; — in the manner of a participle forming a continuous tense with √i (1075 a), as indram evāi ’tāir ārabhya yanti (AB.) by means of them they keep taking hold of Indra; — as qualifying a subordinate member of the sentence, as puroḍā́çam evá kūrmám bhūtvā́ sárpantam (ÇB.) to the sacrificial cake creeping about, having become a tortoise; ayodhyām . . . saphenām sasvanām bhūtvā jalormim iva (R.) into Ayodhyā, like a surge that had been foamy and roaring; — even absolutely, as ātithyéna vāí devā́ iṣṭvā́ tā́nt samád avindat (ÇB.) when the gods had sacrificed with the guest-offering, strife befel them. f. As in the two examples before the last, a predicate word with bhūtvā is put in the same case with the subject: thus, further, tád iyám evāì ’tád bhūtvā́ yajati (ÇB.) so having thus become this earth he makes offering; yena vāmanenā ’pi bhūtvā (Vet.) by whom, even when he had become a dwarf. The construction is a rare one. g. A number of gerunds have their meaning attenuated sometimes to the semblance of a preposition or adverb: such are adhikṛtya making a subject of, i. e. respecting, of; ādāya, upāgṛhya taking, i. e. with; uddiçya pointing toward, i. e. at; āsādya, arriving at, i. e. along, by; ārabhya beginning, i.e. from; sambhūya being with, i. e. with; saṁhatya striking together, i. e. in unison; prasahya using force, i. e. violently; tyaktvā, parityajya, muktvā, vihāya, uddhṛtya, varjayitvā leaving out etc., i. e. excepting, without; and others. Examples are: çakuntalām adhikṛtya bravīmi (Ç.) I am speaking of Çakuntalā; tam uddiçya kṣiptalaguḍaḥ (H.) having thrown the cudgel at him; nimittaṁ kiṁcid āsādya (H.) for some reason or other. h. The gerund is in the later language sometimes found in composition, as if a noun-stem: e. g. prasahyaharaṇa taking with violence; pretyabhāva existence after death;vibhajyapāṭha separate enunciation; sambhūyagamana going together. It is also often repeated (1260), in a distributive sense: e. g. sá vāí sammṛ́jya-sammṛjya pratápya-pratapya prá yacchati (ÇB.) in each case, after wiping and warming them, he hands them over; gṛhītvā-gṛhītvā (KÇS.) at each taking; unnamyo’nnamya (Pañc.) every time that they arise. |