A few special irregularities call for notice: a. In the later language, api, adhi, and ava, in connection with certain roots and their derivatives, sometimes lose the initial vowel: namely, api with nah and dhā, adhi with sthā, avawith gāh etc.: e. g. pinaddha, pihita, dhiṣṭhita, vagāhya, vataṅsa, vadānya, vaṣṭabhya, vamajjana, vekṣaṇa, valepana. In the Veda, on the other hand, iṣ is in a few cases found instead (apparently) of nis with √kṛ. b. The final vowel of a prefix, especially an i, is (oftenest in the older language) sometimes lengthened, especially in derivative words: e. g. pratīkāra, nīvṛt, parīhāra, vīrúdh,adhīvāsá, ápīvṛta, abhīvartá; anūrúdh; avāyatī́, prāvṛ́ṣ, úpāvasu. In the Veda, the initial of anu is sometimes lengthened after negative an: e. g. anānudá, anānukṛtyá. c. In combination with √i go, the prefixes parā, pari, and pra sometimes change their r to l. In this way is formed a kind of derivative stem palāy flee, inflected according to the a-class, in middle voice, which is not uncommon from the Brāhmaṇas down, and has so lost the consciousness of its origin that it sometimes takes the augment prefixed: thus,apalāyiṣṭhās (ÇÇS.), apalāyata (R.), apalāyanta (MBh.); it makes the periphrastic perfect palāyāṁ cakre. The stem palyay, similarly inflected, occurs only in one or two texts (ÇB. JB. JUB.); and plāy has been found nowhere except in MS. Also the imperfect nílāyata (TS. TB.: not separated in the pada-text) and perfect nilayā́ṁ cakre (ÇB.) are doubtless a corresponding formation from √i with nis, though nearly akin in form and meaning with forms from √lī+ni. So also pari becomes pali in the combination palyan̄g (ÇB. ÇÇS.), whether viewed as a denominative formation or as √an̄g+pari. And MS. has once plā́kṣārayan (iii. 10. 2; in an etymology).
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