216. Thus, in derivation

Thus, in derivation, even before vowels, semivowels; and nasals, reversion to guttural form is by no means rare. The cases are the following:

a. Before a of suffix a, final c becomes k in an̄ká, çvan̄ka, arká, pāká, vāká, çúka, parka, marká, vṛ́ka, prátīka etc., reka, séka, moka, roká, çóka, toká, mroká, vraská;—final j becomes g in tyāgá, bhága, bhāgá, yāga, an̄ga, bhan̄gá, san̄ga, svan̄ga, ṛñga, tun̄ga, yun̄ga, varga, mārga, mṛgá, varga, sarga, nega, vega, bhóga, yugá, yóga, loga, róga;—final h becomes gh in aghá, maghá, arghá, dīrghá (and drā́ghīyas, drā́ghiṣṭa), degha, meghá, ogha, dógha, drógha, mógha; and in dúghāna and méghamāna. In neka (√nij) we have further an anomalous substitution of a surd for the final sonant of the root.

b. In another series of derivatives with a, the altered sound appears: examples are ajá, yāja, çucá, çoca, vrajá, vevijá, yuja, ūrjā́, dóha.

c. Before the suffixes as and ana, the guttural only rarely appears: namely, in án̄kas, ókas, rókas, çókas, bhárgas, and in rogana; also in ābhogáya.

d. Before an i-vowel, the altered sound appears (except in ābhogí, ógīyaṅs, tigitá, mokī́, sphigī́): thus, ājí, tují, rúci, çácī, vívici, rociṣṇú.

e. Before u, the guttural reappears, as a rule (the cases are few): thus, án̄ku, van̄kú, rekú, bhṛ́gu, mā́rguka, raghú (and rághīyaṅs).

f. Before n, the examples of reversion are few, except of j (becoming g) before the participial ending na (957 c): thus, rékṇas, vagnú (with the final also made sonant); and participles bhagná, rugṇá, etc.; and apparently pṛgṇa from √pṛc.

g. Before m (of ma, man, mant, min), the guttural generally appears: thus, rukmá, tigmá, yugma, ṛ́gma (with sonant change); takmán, vákman, sákman, yugmán; rúkmant; ṛgmín and vāgmín (with sonant change):—but ájman, ojmán, bhujmán.

h. Before y, the altered sound is used: thus, pacya, yajya, yajyu, yujya, bhujyu. Such cases as bhogya, yogya, negya, okya are doubtless secondary derivatives from bhoga etc.

i. Before r, the cases are few, and the usage apparently divided: thus, takra, sakra, vakrá, çukrá, vigrá, ugrá, túgra, mṛgra, ván̄kri; but vájra and pajrá (?).

j. Before v (of the suffixes va, van, vin, etc., and participial vāṅs) the guttural is regularly preserved: thus, ṛkvá, pakvá, vákva; vákvan, ṛ́kvan, rikvan, çukvan, mṛgvan, túgvan, yugvan; ṛ́kvant, pṛ́kvant; vāgvín, vagvaná, vagvanú (with further sonant change); vivakvā́ṅs, ririkvā́ṅs, vivikvā́ṅs, rurukvā́ṅs, çuçukvā́ṅs; çuçukvaná, çuçukváni: also before the union-vowel i in okivā́ṅs (RV., once). An exception is yájvan.

k. The reversion of h in derivation is comparatively rare. The final j which is analogous with ç (219) shows much less proclivity to reversion than that which corresponds with c.

l. A like reversion shows itself also to some extent in conjugational stem-formation and inflection. Thus, the initial radical becomes guttural after the reduplication in the present or perfect or desiderative or intensive stems, or in derivatives, of the roots ci, cit, ji, hi, han, and in jáguri (√jṛ); and han becomes ghn on the elision of a (402, 637). The RV. has vivakmi from √vac and vāvakre from √vañc; and SV. has sasṛgmahe (RV. -sṛj-). And before ran etc. of 3d pl. mid. we have g for radical j in asṛgran, asṛgram, asasṛgram (all in RV.).